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Transferring Players the Political Party Way

Monday, October 6, 2025

The PSI is recruiting politicians from other political parties and putting them in key positions. The cadre development system is increasingly being abandoned.

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Transferring Players the Political Party Way. tempo : 176349361412.

THE way political parties are managed in Indonesia is no different from the way that soccer clubs are run. Like soccer clubs transferring players, the owners of political parties attract politicians from their rivals in order to increase their share of the vote, as we have seen in the recent moves by the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The ideal picture of internal party regeneration and political cadre development is becoming increasingly distant from reality.

The PSI has been aggressively attracting politicians from other parties and placing them in key positions. Particularly noticeable is the entry of senior National Democrat (NasDem) Party members. Former NasDem Deputy Chair Ahmad Ali has become PSI’s new Executive Chair. And the PSI is preparing to recruit former National Awakening Party (PKB) Secretary-General Abdul Kadir Karding, who has just been dismissed from his job as Minister for the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers.

The practice of “naturalization”—the swift transfer of foreign nationals to become players for Indonesia's national soccer team—also applies here. The PSI uses this instant method to recruit politicians from other parties to strengthen its position. This weak commitment to internal cadre development allows the PSI to overlook the quality and track record of the politicians it poaches. All that is important is that their entry brings the possibility of additional logistical resources or votes.

Ahmad Ali is considered a perfect fit for this need. He has extensive experience in this “soccer club-style” of politics, starting with the Golkar Party, moving to the Patriot Party, and then jumping to NasDem. “Coincidentally” he is also currently facing legal problems. The Corruption Eradication Commission searched the mining entrepreneur’s home in February 2025. Investigators are probing his alleged involvement in money laundering by Rita Widyasari, former Regent of East Kalimantan’s Kutai Kartanegara.

The PSI’s strategy of poaching members of other parties is reportedly an instruction from former President Joko Widodo, the father of PSI General Chair Kaesang Pangarep. The PSI remains dependent on Jokowi and his family. Jokowi determines the direction of its policies, including in the selection of its officials. These officials are no better than pawns being moved by a chess player who has his own agenda and interests.

It is not difficult to guess the political agenda of Jokowi, who is leading the PSI from behind the scenes. He is utilizing the party to extend his political dynasty. Although the 2029 elections are still far away, Jokowi is already calling for a second term for the administration of Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, his oldest son.

This kind of practice is not unique to the PSI. Almost all the parties have now become a type of business owned by a single central figure and his or her family—whether that figure holds the position of general chair or exerts influence from behind the scenes. Those who are not family members or the “boss’ people” have little chance of securing a strategic position.

This state of affairs can only be improved by reforming the party system and ending party feudalism. This change must begin from the top. Ideally, parties should limit the term of the general chair to a maximum of two terms. Doing so would ensure leadership regeneration and prevent parties from remaining dependent on a single central figure.

Indeed, it is difficult to expect political party elites to willingly reform the party system. However, no party can become truly modern without such reform. Modern parties naturally place the public interest first, not those of their bosses.

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