FOR some time now, being a member of cabinet has no longer been a matter of pride. As long as they have connections, or run a political party, or have worked hard for the victory of the presidential candidate in the last election, anyone can become a minister or a deputy minister in this country.

There are other categories: representing a particular group to give the impression that the president has embraced everybody. In the era of Prabowo Subianto, if you have ever been a victim of human rights violations, you are fortunate. Your presence in cabinet can erase such sins of the past. Of course, there are exceptions for particular jobs, but only one or two.

Prabowo summoned more than 100 people to appoint approximately 50 ministers, each with between one and three deputy ministers. There are indications that a number of prospective ministers have been proposed by tycoons who helped Prabowo win the presidency. And among the deputy ministers, there are even influencers whose job is to ‘bark’ on social media when the president comes under attack. They have no achievements or competencies. The cabinet of experts that Prabowo claimed he would appoint has turned out to be an empty slogan.

Since many people without abilities have been chosen, these presidential aides understand that they can be fired at any time, for example, if the political landscape changes. Therefore, they will do anything—spread rumors, trample others under foot or elbow other people—in order to keep their jobs. And before they are replaced, they will try to make a profit, including using inappropriate methods.

Work and performance are not the most important things. Being aware that they could be fired at any time, all they need to do is pretend to work. Travelling around the regions, examining blocked culverts, splashing through rice fields and then being photographed with farmers is enough to make it seem as if they are working.

And of course, nowadays performance can be measured through surveys of public satisfaction. The more they are perceived by the public as fast acting, the more courage they will have to lobby left and right so they are not reshuffled. However, without transparency in the way these opinion polls are carried out, the accuracy of every survey should be questioned.

The addition of a number of positions and the change of the cabinet nomenclature will also create problems for Prabowo.

In the first couple of years, ministries will be busier putting themselves in order than going straight to work. The splitting of ministries and the establishment of new ministries mean time will be needed for consolidation. And changes to the organizational structure will require changes to budget allocations and responsibilities. In the end, Prabowo’s decision to form a large cabinet comprising people lacking competence will have consequences for the achievement of his programs. Success will not be achieved, and funds will be wasted. And it is of course the people who will suffer most—those who hope that the government will work hard to improve their lives.

Prabowo’s way of forming his cabinet could be predicted from the way he appointed the management of Gerindra, the party he leads. He appointed more than 400 party managers, comprising a Supervisory Council, an Advisory Council, an Expert Council and a Central Executive Board. The names of these managers are on display despite the fact that the organization’s activities are concentrated in the hands of Prabowo and a small number of other people. In Prabowo’s eyes, it seems that a large organization needs to accommodate many interests and to keep many people happy.

And even if this cabinet is reshuffled, do not hope that a cabinet of experts will be formed. Changes to the political constellation will only lead to a similar makeup of cabinet memberships. Concerns about government instability, if parties and supporters are ignored, will result in a new cabinet with the same weaknesses.

Prabowo will be trapped in a vortex of interests, and it is the public that will lose out.