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After being cleared of allegations that he had ordered his subordinates to bribe lawmakers to approve his ministry's budget, Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik now finds himself in the middle of a new corruption scandal. Last Wednesday, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) finally charged Jero, who has authored introductions to high school science textbooks, with extortion.
KPK Deputy Chief Bambang Widjojanto said Jero's methods were something new. The minister was suspected of tampering with the ministry's budget by raising money from sponsors for unimportant events. "This practice constitutes abuse of power leading to extortion," Bambang said last week.
The meeting at the Golkar Party's office at the House of Representatives (DPR), held after lunch on Wednesday last week, was opened by Aziz Syamsuddin, deputy chairman of the Golkar Law Commission. In attendance were politicians from the six parties who supported Prabowo Subianto and his running mate, Hatta Rajasa, in the recent race for president. The meeting was to discuss the draft standing order of the DPR. Invitations were sent out from the cellphone of Setya Novanto, the chairman of Golkar's faction in the DPR, two days in advance.
After two hours, the meeting closed with an agreement that the draft standing order was to be taken to the DPR Consultative Board. "It's slated to be ratified in a plenary session on Tuesday next week," Hasrul Azwar, chairman of the United Development Party (PPP) Faction, told Tempo on Thursday last week. The standing order is derived from the Laws on MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD (MD3), one of which regulates the election of the DPR speaker.
The establishment of the Islamic State (IS)also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)is inseparable from the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003. Following the downfall of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, the country's Shia, who account for 60 percent of Iraqis, took power. A Sunni rebellion subsequently arose across the country.
Originally, IS consisted of a variety of Sunni insurgent groups and included among its sponsors the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda. Back then it was called the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI), and its original purpose was to fight Iraq's Shia authorities and the US military. Iraq divided the country into two camps: the Shias in the south and the Sunnis in the north. The conflict goes all the way back to the 6th century dispute about who should succeed the Prophet Muhammad. The recent violence erupted after US troops left Iraq in 2011.
In challenging Joko Widodo's victory in the presidential election, Prabowo Subianto has spoken much about a stain remover called Bayclin. The chemical, Prabowo contends, was used in East and Central Java to remove the indelible ink that stains one's fingers after voting. The charge is that many people voted more than once. "The ink disappears within seconds," Habiburokhman, one of Prabowo's lawyers, said last week.
Prabowo believes the additional special voter list was inflated to enable ballot stuffing at several polling stations. He alleged that East Java saw 200,000 fake votes. Joko got 1.44 million more votes than Prabowo in that province.
It took some time to locate the office of the Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America (IFANCA) in a small town just outside of Chicago, Illinois. Last March, Tempo was able to meet with the Council's president, Muhammad Chaudry, 70, who is well known among businesses dealing in halal (allowed) products. In Indonesia, he is also known for inviting officials of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) to attend conference he organizes.
Tempo's reason for interviewing Pakistan-born Chaudry was to query him on reports which cite him as bribing the MUI, as a commission for officially recognizing IFANCA as a halal certificate provider for food and drinks produced in the US. Excerpts of the interview:
Prabowo Subianto's plan of attack against the General Elections Commission's (KPU) announcement that he had lost the race for president was formulated in the lounge of Akbar Tandjung's home in Kebayoran Baru, South Jakarta. Prabowo's brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, and his campaign manager, Mahfud Md, had planned to attend the meeting, which went on until the wee hours of Tuesday morning last week. "Pak Mahfud only arrived at midnight; Pak Hashim didn't attend," Akbar told Tempo on Wednesday evening last week.
These three key figures of the Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa campaign team were staring defeat in the face. Although the official results would only be announced the next day, they had estimated that the Prabowo votes lagged far behind those of Joko Widodo and his running mate, Jusuf Kalla. The meeting was to discuss other strategies to find a way round the loss.
KHAIRUL Hamzah hastened toward Gombak, Selangor, Malaysia, as soon as he received the call about suspected ballot rigging in that area on voting day last July 5. Upon arrival on the site 15 km north of Kuala Lumpur, the member of Kuala Lumpur's Overseas General Election Supervisory Committee (PPLN) found a heap of ballot papers in the mail box used as address by the residents of seven houses in the aforementioned neighborhood.
The ballot papers were fewer than 50 in number, as in accordance with the rule that ballot papers sent by mail should be less than 50 in number. If they exceeded the number, the drop box should be used. These ballot papers were still intact with no sign of punching. "We thought it was not a form of rigging because they were unpunched," said Khairul during the recapitulation of oversea votes at the General Election Commission (KPU), Central Jakarta, on Thursday last week.
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