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It was a tense bottle of beer. The five friendsKuswanto, Susanto, Suprat, Soleh and Mukiyiwere sitting at the Kafe Perdana on the ring road in Kudus, Central Java, their usual hangout spot. "To, you get out of here," one of them said, trying to persuade Kuswanto to leave.
Kuswanto, 29, shook his head. He had been receiving phone calls and text messages from his friends for a week. They wanted him to flee because the police intended to arrest him. According to his associates, the police suspected that Kuswanto was part of a gang of robbers that had stolen from an ice cream warehouse. On the night of November 15, 2012, six days before the friends shared their beer, the warehouse had been robbed by a gang of thieves.
Before they finished the bottle, a group of plainclothes police officers appeared and approached Kuswanto and his friends. "Oh, Pak Joko," said Kuswanto. As an informant who often gave information to the police, Kuswanto recognized one of the officers. This time, however, the cop was far from friendly. "Come on. Follow me," he said. He grabbed Kuswanto's shoulder and dragged him to a Daihatsu Xenia car parked in front of the caf. His four friends were put in two other cars. "I counted 13 of them," Kuswanto told Tempo last week.
THE antigraft investigators could not figure out how to open the iron safe in the back of a house in Surabaya last week. They spent hours fiddling with its key code, to no avail. Efforts to drill it open were also in vain.
Fortunately, the two locksmiths that had assisted the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had not left yet. After opening all the locked doors in the house, they were asked to crack the safe. Eight hours after the safe was located, they finally got it open at 11pm.
THE atmosphere at Merdeka Square in Langsa, Aceh, on Friday afternoon two weeks ago was upbeat. Hundreds of people were crowding the stage to watch a flogging. Some of them held their camera phones in anticipation.
By 4pm, the car carrying the convicts arrived, its siren wailing. As they were taken onstage one by one, the spectators cheered. Following the convicts was a man in a green robe. His head was covered with a green clothall except for his eyes. He looked like a ninja.
One thousand and three hundred pages worth of lawsuit dossiers were flown from Aceh to Jakarta in early October. The papers were carried by Muhammad Nur, director of the Indonesian Environment Forum (Walhi) of Aceh, and his peers Cut Mirna, Syafruddin and Muhammad Syahputra. On October 9, Muhammad Nur delivered documents relating to the lawsuit against Qanun (Bylaw) No.19/2013 on the Aceh spatial plan by to the secretariat of the Supreme Court. "Here's the duplicate," said Nur, showing a pile of documents as thick as a pillow to Tempo.
Walhi alleges that Aceh's new spatial plan violates a number of laws and enable harm to its environment and forests. The plan was greenlighted by the Aceh Legislative Council (DPRA) on December 27, 2013, and enacted on March 3. But Walhi said it conflicted with 11 other laws and several regional regulations. These include Law No.11/2006 on the Aceh Administration and Law No.26/2007 on the National Spatial Layout.
The chill blowing from the air conditioners failed to absorb the 'heat' of a discussion at the Riau governor's office on Friday two weeks ago. Representatives from six regency administrations and 15 plantation companies were tense as the results of an extraordinary audit into forest and land fire compliance were announced. "Nearly all those present showed dismal faces," Mas Achmad Santosa, the law enforcement monitoring deputy at the Presidential Working Unit for the Supervision and Management of Development (UKP4), told Tempo last week.
The audit results painted an ugly picture of the performance of the companies and regencies. Fifteen companies whose land had caught fire early in the year got negative report cards, with the predicates 'disobedient' and 'very disobedient' written on them. Of the six regency administrations in Riau, four were deemed 'less obedient'. Only two regencies received positive marks: Bengkalis ('obedient') and Siak ('fairly obedient').
The findings of a joint investigation of the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police Headquarter (Polri) on a bloody clash in Batam, the largest city in Riau Islands province, have been released. On Tuesday last week, spokesmen from the two security forces held a press conference at a neutral location: the office of the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs.
Major General Fuad Basya, head of the TNI Information Center, said two soldiers had been moonlighting as security guards at a warehouse that was hoarding fuel and was raided by police. However, according to Fuad, the soldiers were not there on the orders of their superiors. "They didn't even know that the fuel in question was illegal," Fuad said during the press conference.
UNDER Andhi Nirwanto, the Attorney General's Office (AGO) special crimes division investigated some strange cases. Some seemed to include no actual corruption. Indosat Mega Media 2 (IM2) and Chevron Pacific Indonesia were two of these. With Chevron, Andhi's subordinates were blamed for ignoring the fact that the energy company had carried out a waste management technique known as bioremediationsomething that, the AGO contended, just did not happen.
Meanwhile, other cases in which corruption seemed more likely to have occurred ended with discontinuation of investigation (SP3) orders. One case implicated East Kalimantan Governor Awang Faroek. He was declared a suspect in the Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC) divestment case in July 2010. Three years later the AGO issued an SP3 for Awang.
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