July 28, 2015 edition
Despite all good intentions, the plan to establish a human rights abuses commission announced by the Attorney General's Office a few weeks ago, is marked by serious problems. The Commission will have many stumbling blocks for various reasons.
One of these is that there is no longer any legal basis for the commission. In December 2006, the Constitutional Commission revoked Law No. 27/2004 on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In its considerations, the Court found that the law actually made reconciliation more difficult because of the need for a presidential amnesty if the person responsible and the victim had made their peace. The law also required an uncovering of the facts, a confession and forgiveness. If the truth behind a case could not be revealed, reconciliation would be difficult.
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More Opinion articles in other editions
July 14, 2015 edition
Retaining the National Tithe Council (Baznas) with its current authority means legitimizing an error. Baznas, whether we realize it or not, is an institution with two functions that should be carried out by two separate bodies: operations and oversight.
Nobody knows what happened when Law No. 23/2011 on the Management of Tithes was being drawn up. But it is difficult to understand why there are articles giving Baznas a dual role. For example Articles 6 and 7 state that the body is responsible for the collection, distribution and efficient use of tithes. In Article 18, which concerns the grating of permits to establish bodies to collect tithes, there is a provision on the need for a recommendation from Baznas. In addition, there is Article 19 on the obligation on all tithe bodies to report their work to Baznas.
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July 10, 2015 edition
THERE is no better institution to expose the criminalization of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) than the Supreme Court. The chairman of the KPK must take the opportunity presented by a review of the case against the suspended KPK deputy chairman, Bambang Widjojanto, to restore the integrity of this anti-corruption institution.
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July 7, 2015 edition
June 30, 2015 edition
IT is difficult not to be suspicious when several regional chiefs resign at the same time as their families prepare to run in elections to replace them. For example, the tenures of Pekalongan Mayor Basyir Ahmad and Ogan Ilir Regent Marwadi Yahya are not scheduled to end until August this year, but both men have insisted on 'taking early retirement' to pave the way for their wives and children to step forward as their replacements.
In Sibolga, North Sumatra, Deputy Mayor Marudut Situmorang revealed there had been attempts to stop his wife from running as mayor. The local legislative council (DPRD) has yet to announce Marudut's resignation despite the looming deadline for his wife's nomination as mayoral candidate at the end of June. In East Kutai, Regent Irsan Noor resigned long before the ruckus of nominations for the new executive began. His wife, Nurbaiti Noor, currently a DPRD member, plans to run for the seat vacated by her husband. They have served for an average of two terms.
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June 23, 2015 edition
MINISTER for the Empowerment of State Apparatus and Bureaucratic Reform, Yuddi Chrisnandi, is not really a key player in the process of selecting echelon-I officials. He is only one member of the Final Selection Team, which is tasked with selecting candidates to be forwarded to the president. But he spotted a way of 'fixing' the results, even though this contravened the spirit of reforms mandated by law, to ensure that certain people he wanted could be selected.
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June 16, 2015 edition