The Pursuit of Hasto Kristiyanto

EVER since the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) was weakened in 2019, legal processes at the anti-corruption institution have been going wherever the wind blows. Previously, a case involving the Secretary-General of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Hasto Kristiyanto—in Harun Masiku’s bribery of the General Elections Commission (KPU) commissioner, Wahyu Setiawan—was put on ice. Now, when the PDI-P is no longer part of the regime and the KPK commissioners have changed, he becomes a suspect.

Hasto’s role in the bribery of Wahyu Setiawan has been very clear. Hasto allegedly instructed Harun Masiku to hand over money to Wahyu so that the KPU would appoint Harun as a replacement member of the House of Representatives (DPR).

Hasto was also accused of obstructing the investigation by hiding Harun when KPK officers were about to arrest him. Investigators submitted Hasto as a suspect, but were turned down by KPK leadership at the time. After that, the case froze: Hasto walked away, while Harun Masiku disappeared into thin air.

This case was revived in 2024 after the PDI-P and President Joko Widodo parted ways. After the general election, PDI-P politicians, including Hasto, continuously attacked Jokowi. It culminated in mid-December 2024 when the PDI-P fired Jokowi and his family members for allegedly betraying the party. Only days later, Hasto was named as a suspect.

It is difficult to say that the two events are unrelated. Although Hasto’s case is already clear, his naming as suspect a short while after he supposedly embarrassed Jokowi could be considered as an act of retaliation. The new KPK leaders are subject to Jokowi because they were selected in the previous administration, despite being chosen by the DPR during President Prabowo Subianto’s term.

Additionally, KPK Chair Setyo Budiyanto is an active police officer with the rank of commissioner general. A non-retired officer, Setyo is a subordinate of National Police Chief Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo, who is a confidant of Jokowi. Through the extension of his hand in Kuningan—where the KPK office is located—from the director level to the leadership, the Police Chief is believed to have taken part in determining what cases should be continued by the KPK. One such case is the halted investigation into the corruption of Deputy Minister of Justice Edward Omar Sharif Hiariej who was previously named as a suspect.

Although Jokowi is no longer president, his influence still lingers in Prabowo’s administration. Other than the presence of Jokowi’s confidants like Listyo Sigit, Prabowo is also inseparable from Jokowi, who supported him in the last presidential election. In other words, Prabowo’s government is a reincarnation of Jokowi’s regime. Reports that the Palace and the leadership of the House’s Legal Commission approving Hasto to be named as a suspect should be read as the obedience of the two institutions to Jokowi’s wishes rather than genuinely appreciating law enforcement.

This practice of stepping on someone’s foot has happened before. During his reign, Jokowi allegedly resorted to brutal means to subdue his political opponents. The ousting of Airlangga Hartarto as Golkar Party General Chair last August and the U-turn by Perindo Chair Hary Tanoesoedibyo from being an opposition to government supporter were also allegedly due to threats of litigation.

On the other hand, Hasto deserves criticism. Hasto only boasted of having evidence of the involvement of Jokowi and his family in various cases after he was caught in trouble. He bluffed by gathering the mistakes made by his political opponents. Should he achieve his goal, it is possible that the files would be put on ice once more. Whether he was named as a suspect or not, Hasto should not hesitate to expose the depravity of state officials. What Hasto is doing seems more like a negotiation to get him out of trouble.

Moreover, a recent report suggests that Hasto is willing to step down from his position as Secretary-General of the PDI-P and stop attacking Jokowi if the case against him is stopped.

The opinion that democracy and law enforcement can be realized in Indonesia if there are political conflicts between elites seems to need correction. In the case of Harun Masiku, the conflict between elites gave rise to negotiation and deals instead. The law, meanwhile, goes down the drain.