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President Joko Widodo's cabinet reshuffle two weeks ago prompted a few questions. Among them, why weren't the non-performing ministers replaced? What was the President's reason for retaining ministers who held positions that did not match their competence and their academic backgrounds?
Another peculiarity about the reshufflewhich Jokowi calls a 'government consolidation'is the choice of controversial Rizal Ramli as coordinating minister for maritime affairs. That he made critical statements about government policy is not the issue but Rizal stand in opposite view of the also newly-appointed Economic Coordinating Minister Darmin Nasution.
The somber situation facing the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was evident when Kiai Haji Ahmad Mustofa Bisri refused to be selected as Rais Am or chairman, despite the blessing of the forum of nine elite kiai or Islamic scholars, known as ahlul halli wal aqdi, representing convention participants from all corners of the nation, last week. Gus Mus admitted he would not able to bear the burden of being the head of the NU.
Leading the largest Islamic mass organization in the nation is indeed an onerous task. The convention, marred by protests and sharp words from some of the participants, who nearly came to blows during discussions over the selection process, clearly showed how low NU conferences have become. The kiai elders sitting in the front row no longer seemed to be respected as they should be in a religious organization that holds them in high esteem.
There is nothing wrong with the idea of social assistance as a means of distributing development funds. Deciding on the selection in a bottom-up way through discussions-from the villages to the center takes a long time-social assistance is determined from top to bottom. Regulations allow regents or governors to give social assistance to groups that need it.
Despite all good intentions, the plan to establish a human rights abuses commission announced by the Attorney General's Office a few weeks ago, is marked by serious problems. The Commission will have many stumbling blocks for various reasons.
One of these is that there is no longer any legal basis for the commission. In December 2006, the Constitutional Commission revoked Law No. 27/2004 on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In its considerations, the Court found that the law actually made reconciliation more difficult because of the need for a presidential amnesty if the person responsible and the victim had made their peace. The law also required an uncovering of the facts, a confession and forgiveness. If the truth behind a case could not be revealed, reconciliation would be difficult.
Retaining the National Tithe Council (Baznas) with its current authority means legitimizing an error. Baznas, whether we realize it or not, is an institution with two functions that should be carried out by two separate bodies: operations and oversight.
Nobody knows what happened when Law No. 23/2011 on the Management of Tithes was being drawn up. But it is difficult to understand why there are articles giving Baznas a dual role. For example Articles 6 and 7 state that the body is responsible for the collection, distribution and efficient use of tithes. In Article 18, which concerns the grating of permits to establish bodies to collect tithes, there is a provision on the need for a recommendation from Baznas. In addition, there is Article 19 on the obligation on all tithe bodies to report their work to Baznas.
THERE is no better institution to expose the criminalization of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) than the Supreme Court. The chairman of the KPK must take the opportunity presented by a review of the case against the suspended KPK deputy chairman, Bambang Widjojanto, to restore the integrity of this anti-corruption institution.
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